The True Secret and Grand Recipe for Felicity

There are many personal letters that could be referenced in regard to Jefferson’s sentiments on the subjects of virtue and morality. A compilation of quotes from such letters found online at “Thomas Jefferson on Politics and Government” under the heading “Moral Principles” totals over seventy-five (75) separate references.[1] However, let us focus on one letter in particular.  Thomas Jefferson wrote this letter to his daughter to Martha ("Patsy") Jefferson on May 21, 1787 from France:

"I write to you, my dear Patsy, from the Canal of Languedoc [pictured above] on which I am at present sailing, as I have been for a week past, cloudless skies above, limpid waters below, and find on each hand a row of nightingales in full chorus. …I expect to be at Paris about the middle of next month. By that time we may begin to expect our dear Polly. It will be a circumstance of inexpressible comfort to me to have you both with me once more. The object most interesting to me for the residue of my life, will be to see you both developing daily those principles of virtue and goodness which will make you valuable to others and happy in yourselves, and acquiring those talents and that degree of science which will guard you at all times against ennui, the most dangerous poison of life. A mind always employed is always happy. This is the true secret, the grand recipe for felicity." [2]

Thomas Jefferson affectionately conveys to Patsy that the “grand recipe for felicity” or happiness, and the object most dear to him for the rest of his life, will be to witness her keeping her mind cheerfully employed and developing daily “principles of virtue and goodness.” As Elizabeth Langhorne has so eloquently observed in her biography “Monticello: A Family Story,” that while his daughter Mary (or “Polly”) passed away at age 25, Jefferson remained most devoted to Patsy throughout his life (and she to him).  Langhorne writes that foremost to Jefferson’s “comforts of a beloved family … of course, was the presence of Martha, who was her father’s housekeeper, his hostess, and his intimate companion.”[3]  

After all has been said, this was Jefferson’s dream for his family at Monticello, to establish and maintain a home, just as Palladio had envisioned: “The ancient sages commonly used to retire to such places, where being oftentimes visited by their virtuous friends and relations, having houses, gardens, fountains …and above all their virtue, they could easily attain to as much happiness as can be attained here below.”[4] Thomas Jefferson’s lifelong pursuit may be defined by his statement that, “Happiness is the aim of life. Virtue is the foundation of happiness.”[5] 

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[1] http://famguardian.org/Subjects/Politics/ThomasJefferson/jeff0200.htm

[2] Jefferson, Writings (The Library of America, New York, 2001), pp. 896-97 [emphasis added].

[3] Elizabeth Langhorne, Monticello: A Family Story (Algonquin Books of Chapel Hill, 1987), p. 163. Martha Jefferson Randolph served as "first lady" with her father from 1802-3 and 1805-6 in the U.S. President's House, later known as the White House. After Jefferson's retirement, Martha and her children spent their time primarily at Monticello, even while her husband, Thomas Mann Randolph, was serving as Virginia's governor (see Monticello Online). 

[4] Langhorne, p. 4 [emphasis added].  Jefferson owned “The Architecture of A. Palladio; in Four Books.” (2 vols. London, 1742), and they were the primary source of inspiration for his design of Monticello and the University of Virginia.

[5] Thomas Jefferson to William Short, October 31, 1819, ME 15:219-224.  

Jefferson and Slavery

“Throughout his entire life, Thomas Jefferson was a consistent opponent of slavery. Calling it a “moral depravity”[1] and a “hideous blot,”[2] he believed that slavery presented the greatest threat to the survival of the new American nation.[3] Jefferson also thought that slavery was contrary to the laws of nature, which decreed that everyone had a right to personal liberty.[4] These views were radical in a world where unfree labor was the norm. 

At the time of the American Revolution, Jefferson was actively involved in legislation that he hoped would result in slavery’s abolition.[5] In 1778, he drafted a Virginia law that prohibited the importation of enslaved Africans.[6] In 1784, he proposed an ordinance that would ban slavery in the Northwest territories.[7] But Jefferson always maintained that the decision to emancipate slaves would have to be part of a democratic process; abolition would be stymied until slaveowners consented to free their human property together in a large-scale act of emancipation. To Jefferson, it was anti-democratic and contrary to the principles of the American Revolution for the federal government to enact abolition or for only a few planters to free their slaves.[8] 

Although Jefferson continued to advocate for abolition, the reality was that slavery was becoming more entrenched. The slave population in Virginia skyrocketed from 292,627 in 1790 to 469,757 in 1830. Jefferson had assumed that the abolition of the slave trade would weaken slavery and hasten its end. Instead, slavery became more widespread and profitable. In an attempt to erode Virginians’ support for slavery, he discouraged the cultivation of crops heavily dependent on slave labor—specifically tobacco—and encouraged the introduction of crops that needed little or no slave labor—wheat, sugar maples, short-grained rice, olive trees, and wine grapes.[9] But by the 1800s, Virginia’s most valuable commodity and export was neither crops nor land, but slaves. 

Jefferson’s belief in the necessity of ending slavery never changed. From the mid-1770s until his death, he advocated the same plan of gradual emancipation. First, the transatlantic slave trade would be abolished.[10] Second, slaveowners would “improve” slavery’s most violent features, by bettering (Jefferson used the term “ameliorating”) living conditions and moderating physical punishment.[11] Third, all born into slavery after a certain date would be declared free, followed by total abolition.[12] Like others of his day, he supported the removal of newly freed slaves from the United States.[13] The unintended effect of Jefferson’s plan was that his goal of “improving” slavery as a step towards ending it was used as an argument for its perpetuation. Pro-slavery advocates after Jefferson’s death argued that if slavery could be “improved,” abolition was unnecessary. 

Jefferson’s conviction in the necessity of abolition was intertwined with his racial beliefs. He thought that white Americans and enslaved blacks constituted two “separate nations” who could not live together peacefully in the same country.[14] Jefferson’s belief that blacks were racially inferior and “as incapable as children,”[15] coupled with slaves’ presumed resentment of their former owners, made their removal from the United States an integral part of Jefferson’s emancipation scheme. Influenced by the Haitian Revolution and an aborted rebellion in Virginia in 1800, Jefferson believed that American slaves’ deportation—whether to Africa or the West Indies—was an essential followup to emancipation.[16] 

Jefferson wrote that maintaining slavery was like holding “a wolf by the ear, and we can neither hold him, nor safely let him go.”[17] He thought that his cherished federal union, the world’s first democratic experiment, would be destroyed by slavery. To emancipate slaves on American soil, Jefferson thought, would result in a large-scale race war that would be as brutal and deadly as the slave revolt in Haiti in 1791. But he also believed that to keep slaves in bondage, with part of America in favor of abolition and part of America in favor of perpetuating slavery, could only result in a civil war that would destroy the union. Jefferson’s latter prediction was correct: in 1861, the contest over slavery sparked a bloody civil war and the creation of two nations—Union and Confederacy—in the place of one.”

- Lucia Stanton, 2008

https://www.monticello.org/site/plantation-and-slavery/thomas-jefferson-and-slavery

FURTHER SOURCES

• Bear, James A., Jr. Jefferson at Monticello. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1967.
• Jefferson, Thomas. Notes on the State of Virginia. Edited by William Peden. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1955. Chapters "Laws" and "Manners."
• Miller, John Chester. The Wolf by the Ears: Thomas Jefferson and Slavery. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1991.
• Stanton, Lucia.  Slavery at Monticello. Charlottesville: Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation, 1996.
• Stanton, Lucia.  "Those Who Labor for My Happiness": Slavery at Thomas Jefferson's Monticello.  Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2012.

• 1.Jefferson to Thomas Cooper, September 10, 1814, in PTJ:RS, 7:652. 
• 2.Jefferson to William Short, September 8, 1823, Thomas Jefferson Papers, Earl Gregg Swem Library, College of William and Mary. 
• 3.Jefferson to John Holmes, April 22, 1820, Thomas Jefferson Papers, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library. 
• 4.Notes, ed. Peden, 163. The 1832 edition is available online. See Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia (Boston: Lilly and Wait, 1832), 170.
• 5.Virginia Constitution, Second Draft by Jefferson [before June 13, 1776], in PTJ, 1:353. 
• 6.Thomas Jefferson: Autobiography, January 6-July 29, 1821, Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.  See also 51. A Bill concerning Slaves, June 18, 1779, in PTJ, 2:470-73. 
• 7.Report of the Committee, March 1, 1784, in PTJ, 6:604. 
• 8.Jefferson to John Holmes, April 22, 1820, Thomas Jefferson Papers, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library. 
• 9.See, e.g., Jefferson to Benjamin Vaughan, June 27, 1790, in PTJ, 16:579. 
• 10.See Draft of Instructions to the Virginia Delegates in the Continental Congress (MS Text of A Summary View, &c.), [July 1774], in PTJ, 1:130. 
• 11.See Jefferson to Thomas Mann Randolph, February 18, 1793, in PTJ, 25:230. Transcriptionavailable at Founders Online. See also Jefferson to John Strode, June 5, 1805, Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
• 12.See Jefferson’s Draft of a Constitution for Virginia, [May–June 1783], in PTJ, 6:298.
• 13.Notes, ed. Peden, 138. The 1832 edition is available online. See Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia (Boston: Lilly and Wait, 1832), 144.
• 14.Ibid.
• 15.Jefferson to Edward Coles, August 25, 1814, in PTJ:RS, 7:604.  [Note:  in the 18th century scientists began to include behavioral or psychological traits in their reported observations- which often had derogatory or demeaning implications – and often assumed that those behavioral or psychological traits were related to their race, and therefore, innate and unchangeable.   As taxonomy grew, scientists began to assume that the human species could be divided into distinct subgroups. One’s “race” necessarily implied that one group had certain character qualities and physical dispositions that differentiated it from other human populations. Society gave different values to those differentiations, which essentially created a gap between races by deeming one race superior or inferior to another race].
• 16.Jefferson to Jared Sparks, February 4, 1824, Catalog–Christie’s, American and European Manuscripts and Printed Books. 
• 17.Jefferson to John Holmes, April 22, 1820, The Thomas Jefferson Papers, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library.